"India's Climate Change Strategy after Durban" lecture by Mr. Shyam Saran at Teen Murti House, Teen Murti Marg > 3pm on 6th January 2012
Time : 3:00 pm
Entry : Free (Seating on First-Come First-Served basis)
Event Details : The Nehru Memorial Museum and Library cordially invites you to a Public Lecture 'India's Climate Change Strategy after Durban' by Mr. Shyam Saran, Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi
Abstract : Some key decisions were taken at the 17th Conference of Parties (COP) in Durban including a Durban Platform for Enhanced Action committing parties to a fresh round of multilateral negotiations leading to an outcome that would have some legal form, but would be applicable to all parties, raising the level of ambition for reducing Green House Gas (GHG) emissions. Negotiations are to conclude in 2015, but implementation will be not later than 2020. However, no reference to the key principle of Common but Differentiated Responsibility (CBDR) and respective capabilities which ensures equity was made and enhance ambition mentioned only with reference to mitigation but no adaptation, finance and technology, which are integral parts of the Bali Action Plan. India’s key objectives of equity, intellectual property and unilateral trade measures find no mention. The mandate agreed to by consensus at Bali now stands superseded by a much more limited one in the Durban Platform. Apart from the above a Green Fund has been operationalised but with no funding in sight and a Technology Centre and Network has been established but details on funding and management still remain to be agreed upon. Likewise, details remain vague and ambiguous regarding an Adaptation Committee that has been established. The negotiating process will continue but within a significantly altered framework and with a different focus and does not assure that its principles and provisions will be adhered to.
The Kyoto Protocol of 1997 has been given a limited lease of life after which it will be superseded by the outcome on the Durban Platform. The developing countries have acquiesced to the demand for a single legal instrument valid not later than 2020, which will have symmetrical obligations from developed as well as developing countries. Negotiations on the second commitment period under the Kyoto Protocol will be pro forma, the real bargaining will take place on the Durban Platform.
India’s strategy post Durban will depend upon certain assessments. Will India be able to mobilize enough support to salvage the UNFCCC and the CBDR principle? Would the BASIC group of countries (Brazil, South Africa, India and China) support it? Would it be better for India to drop its opposition to a legally binding treaty, but push for a strong compliance procedure which is missing in the discourse so far? Options for India include agreeing to a quantified deviation from business as usual trajectory from 2020 onwards and indicating a peaking year, later than China; agreeing to absolute reductions but at a low level say a certain percentage of developed country reductions, and linking this to a revision of matching finance and technology; sticking to the stand adopted at Durban without change. A well-considered negotiating strategy should be put into place well in advance of the fresh round. We need to appreciate that these negotiations are in reality economic negotiations and only tangentially about Climate Change and hence any outcome will impact on our economic prospects. There is also a need to understand the link between Climate Change and Energy Security in particular and the whole issue of energy access.
Speaker : Mr. Shyam Saran has a MA in Economics and is a career diplomat. He joined the Indian Foreign Service in 1970 and has been India’s Ambassador to Myanmar, Indonesia and Nepal and High Commissioner to Mauritius. He was head of the Economic Division and the Multilateral Economic Division and also East Asia Division in the Ministry of External Affairs. He was Joint Secretary in the Prime Minister’s Office in 1991-92, and was appointed India’s Foreign Secretary in 2004 till 2006. He also has special expertise in and experience of climate change talks. Subsequent to his retirement, he was appointed Prime Minister’s Special Envoy for Indo-US civil nuclear issues and later as Special Envoy and Chief Negotiator on Climate Change. He also served as PM’s personal representative or ‘Sherpa’ at the Gleneagles and St. Petersburg G8+G5 Summits as an advisor on climate change issues and attended the Pittsburg G-20 Summit as a member of the Indian delegation. Currently, Mr. Shyam Saran is member of the National Security Advisory Board under the National Security Council. He was recently appointed Chairman, Research and Information System for Developing Countries, which is an autonomous think tank specializing in studies on economic and trade related issues. He is Senior Fellow with the Centre for Policy Research.
Related Events : Talks | Environment

Entry : Free (Seating on First-Come First-Served basis)
Place : Seminar Room, Nehru Memorial Museum & Library ( NMML ), Teen Murti House, Teen Murti Marg, New Delhi
Venue Info : Events | About | Map | Nearest Metro Station - 'Race Course(Yellow Line)'
Event Details : The Nehru Memorial Museum and Library cordially invites you to a Public Lecture 'India's Climate Change Strategy after Durban' by Mr. Shyam Saran, Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi
Abstract : Some key decisions were taken at the 17th Conference of Parties (COP) in Durban including a Durban Platform for Enhanced Action committing parties to a fresh round of multilateral negotiations leading to an outcome that would have some legal form, but would be applicable to all parties, raising the level of ambition for reducing Green House Gas (GHG) emissions. Negotiations are to conclude in 2015, but implementation will be not later than 2020. However, no reference to the key principle of Common but Differentiated Responsibility (CBDR) and respective capabilities which ensures equity was made and enhance ambition mentioned only with reference to mitigation but no adaptation, finance and technology, which are integral parts of the Bali Action Plan. India’s key objectives of equity, intellectual property and unilateral trade measures find no mention. The mandate agreed to by consensus at Bali now stands superseded by a much more limited one in the Durban Platform. Apart from the above a Green Fund has been operationalised but with no funding in sight and a Technology Centre and Network has been established but details on funding and management still remain to be agreed upon. Likewise, details remain vague and ambiguous regarding an Adaptation Committee that has been established. The negotiating process will continue but within a significantly altered framework and with a different focus and does not assure that its principles and provisions will be adhered to.
The Kyoto Protocol of 1997 has been given a limited lease of life after which it will be superseded by the outcome on the Durban Platform. The developing countries have acquiesced to the demand for a single legal instrument valid not later than 2020, which will have symmetrical obligations from developed as well as developing countries. Negotiations on the second commitment period under the Kyoto Protocol will be pro forma, the real bargaining will take place on the Durban Platform.
India’s strategy post Durban will depend upon certain assessments. Will India be able to mobilize enough support to salvage the UNFCCC and the CBDR principle? Would the BASIC group of countries (Brazil, South Africa, India and China) support it? Would it be better for India to drop its opposition to a legally binding treaty, but push for a strong compliance procedure which is missing in the discourse so far? Options for India include agreeing to a quantified deviation from business as usual trajectory from 2020 onwards and indicating a peaking year, later than China; agreeing to absolute reductions but at a low level say a certain percentage of developed country reductions, and linking this to a revision of matching finance and technology; sticking to the stand adopted at Durban without change. A well-considered negotiating strategy should be put into place well in advance of the fresh round. We need to appreciate that these negotiations are in reality economic negotiations and only tangentially about Climate Change and hence any outcome will impact on our economic prospects. There is also a need to understand the link between Climate Change and Energy Security in particular and the whole issue of energy access.
Speaker : Mr. Shyam Saran has a MA in Economics and is a career diplomat. He joined the Indian Foreign Service in 1970 and has been India’s Ambassador to Myanmar, Indonesia and Nepal and High Commissioner to Mauritius. He was head of the Economic Division and the Multilateral Economic Division and also East Asia Division in the Ministry of External Affairs. He was Joint Secretary in the Prime Minister’s Office in 1991-92, and was appointed India’s Foreign Secretary in 2004 till 2006. He also has special expertise in and experience of climate change talks. Subsequent to his retirement, he was appointed Prime Minister’s Special Envoy for Indo-US civil nuclear issues and later as Special Envoy and Chief Negotiator on Climate Change. He also served as PM’s personal representative or ‘Sherpa’ at the Gleneagles and St. Petersburg G8+G5 Summits as an advisor on climate change issues and attended the Pittsburg G-20 Summit as a member of the Indian delegation. Currently, Mr. Shyam Saran is member of the National Security Advisory Board under the National Security Council. He was recently appointed Chairman, Research and Information System for Developing Countries, which is an autonomous think tank specializing in studies on economic and trade related issues. He is Senior Fellow with the Centre for Policy Research.
Related Events : Talks | Environment
"India's Climate Change Strategy after Durban" lecture by Mr. Shyam Saran at Teen Murti House, Teen Murti Marg > 3pm on 6th January 2012
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Friday, January 06, 2012
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